PNN – The newspaper “Türkiye” claimed on Saturday, citing an anonymous official from the Justice and Development Party (AKP). The party plans to nominate Recep Tayyip Erdogan for the third time as president through a parliamentary vote for early elections. Justice Minister Yilmaz Tunç also said that Erdogan could run for the presidency through a parliamentary vote for early elections, provided he gets 360 votes. This is while the ruling coalition (AKP) and the Nationalist Movement Party only have 315 seats and need the support of other parties. This news, along with Erdogan’s recent statements that he does not intend to run for re-election, has raised questions about the true intentions of these moves. Is this a party demand or a personal project to perpetuate Erdogan’s power?
The newspaper “Türkiye” on Saturday, citing an anonymous official from the Justice and Development Party (AKP), claimed that the party plans to nominate Recep Tayyip Erdogan for the presidency for a third time, through a parliamentary vote for early elections. Justice Minister Yılmaz Tunç also said that Erdogan may run for early elections through a parliamentary vote, provided that he receives 360 votes. This is while the ruling coalition (AKP) and the Nationalist Movement Party only have 315 seats and need the support of other parties. This news, along with Erdogan’s recent statements that he does not want to run again, has raised questions about the true intentions of these moves. Is this the party’s desire or a personal project to continue Erdogan’s power?
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Laying the groundwork for the survival of power
Erdogan has ruled Turkey since 2003, first as prime minister and then as president since 2014. The change from a parliamentary to a presidential system in 2017, approved in a controversial referendum, gave him sweeping powers. The Turkish constitution, under Article 101, limits a person to two presidential terms, but Erdogan has circumvented this limit with legal interpretations and the support of the ruling coalition. Opponents argue that the 2014-2018 term; even though it was a parliamentary system, should count as the first, but Erdogan and his supporters deny this.
Recent statements by AKP officials and the Minister of Justice about early elections come at a time when Erdogan announced on May 22, 2025, that he did not intend to run for re-election and emphasized the need for a new constitution. This apparent contradiction reflects a complex strategy. By raising the issue of a new constitution or early elections, Erdogan is trying to present himself as a leader responsive to the will of the nation and the party, while his main goal is to continue his political dominance.
A personal project, not a party desire
The news in the “Türkiye” newspaper, citing an anonymous source, is more like a test balloon to gauge public reaction than a reflection of the AKP’s collective decision; the AKP, which has been under Erdogan’s control for the past two decades, has rarely made decisions independent of him. The party’s recent defeats in the 2024 local elections, especially in key cities such as Istanbul and Ankara, reflect the AKP’s declining popularity due to the economic crisis and 44% inflation. In this context, the emphasis on Erdogan’s candidacy, which is more popular than the party, is an attempt to revive the conservative and nationalist voter base, not necessarily the real will of the party body.
AKP spokesman Ömer Çelik’s January 2025 statement that “the will of the people” was important for Erdogan’s candidacy, and Erdogan’s response to Ibrahim Tatlises (“If you are, I am too”) show that these moves are a personal project to maintain power, packaged as public will. Using his personal charisma and influence over the media, Erdogan is trying to create the impression that Türkiye will fall into crisis without him.
Demonstration democracy and the ballot box
Erdogan has repeatedly used the ballot box to legitimize his power. Holding early elections, which require 360 parliamentary votes, or changing Article 101 of the constitution are legal means to circumvent constitutional restrictions. But the ruling coalition, with 315 seats, would need the support of other parties, such as the Peoples’ Democratic Party or the New Welfare Party, to achieve this goal, which seems unlikely given the political differences. This situation is likely deliberately created to portray Erdogan as a “needed” leader to whom even the opposition will turn. Critics, including opposition analysts, believe that Erdogan is seeking to divert public attention from economic problems and create an excuse to change the laws by raising issues such as the “Öcalan Initiative” to disband the PKK or the new constitution. This tactic turns democracy into a theatrical tool for the perpetuation of power, where the ballot box is not an expression of free will, but the result of political engineering.
Continuing this project poses risks for Turkey. Erdogan’s focus on personal survival is preventing the AKP from addressing the economic and social crises. Growing discontent, especially among the youth and middle class, could lead to the strengthening of opposition parties, such as the Republican People’s Party (CHP), which enjoyed significant success in the 2024 local elections. Also, insistence on constitutional change or early elections may exacerbate political tensions and polarization. On the other hand, Erdogan, relying on his conservative base and coalition with the National Movement Party, still has considerable influence. But this influence relies more on his charisma than on the AKP’s organizational strength. If this project fails, the AKP could face a leadership crisis, as Erdogan has not named a clear successor.