PNN – In recent decades, the actors of the Syrian crisis were able to implement their plans in this country on the basis of “cultural and social differences” and “conflict of religious identity” that the Assad regime could not overcome.
During the days that have passed since the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s government in Syria, different views have been raised about the origins of this event; Among other things, the president of Syria could not use the opportunity that arose after the end of the civil war in this country to consolidate the foundations of power and provide the legitimacy needed for the survival of the political system ruling Damascus.
Some say that Assad was deceived by the promises of some Western and Arab actors and fell into a trap set for him by America and Israel.
However, Syria’s chronic conflict with a range of identity, economic and political-civil crises is a matter that is not hidden from anyone; A fact that parts of it are reflected in a research entitled “Confrontation between religious identity and social and cultural differences in the political power structure of Syria” by “Saeed Haqparest” and “Tawheed Walipour Atiq” and we read parts of it below:
Syria at a glance
Syria, with an area of ​​more than 185 square kilometers and a population of nearly 23 million people, was a part of the Levant in the past, and throughout history it has been the place of residence or the Golan of tribes such as Semites, Assyrians, Babylonians, Greeks, Romans and Iranians. The name Syria was taken from the ancient Assyrians and was given to this country by the French after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire.
Syria shares borders with Turkey, Iraq, and Lebanon, Jordan and the occupied territories, which has made Syria a geopolitical axis in the Middle East. For these reasons, some analysts of international relations call Syria “the biggest small country in the world”.
The Syrian economy in the northwest of the Middle East region has been based on industries, agriculture, trade and sectors such as oil, gas and tourism over the years.
Syria gained independence in 1941 and lost the Golan Heights and part of Quneitra during the war with Israel in 1967. After many eventful years in Syria, which was known as the country of coups, “Hafez Assad” came to power in the early seventies and assumed the presidency. After him, his son “Bashar Assad” took power in 2000.
Syria is an Arab republic with 14 provinces, which has been ruled by the Baath party for many years. In terms of ethnicity, about 90% of the Syrian population is Arab and the rest include Kurds, Armenians, Turks and Circassians. In terms of religion, 74% of Sunni Muslims, 13% of Alawites and Shiites, 10% of Christians and 3% of Druzes make up the population of Syria.
The Syrian crisis began with the protests of the people of Daraa province in March 2011 and quickly turned into a major crisis that led to a civil war.
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The economic roots of the crisis in Syria
The Syrian economy has been facing structural problems and fundamental challenges for a long time. These problems have been aggravated not only because of ineffective policies, but also due to the specific geographical, cultural, and social conditions of Syria.
Since the Baath Party came to power, the Syrian economy has been under the control of the government and economic resources have been allocated to political and military leaders and their dependents. Economic reforms during the Bashar al-Assad era could not lead to sustainable growth. Despite low annual economic growth (an average of 5%) and efforts to transition to a market-oriented economy, inefficient structures and wide inequalities still persist.
According to statistics, one out of every three people in Syria is below the poverty line, and economic inequalities are increasing in different regions of the country, especially among ethnic groups and religious groups.
Over the years, the Syrian labor market has not been able to grow along with the increase in the job seeker population. The public and private sectors, in total, have met less than a quarter of the annual need for employment.
The official unemployment rate increased sharply with the occurrence of conflicts and investment insecurity, fueling widespread poverty and social discontent.
Commercialization of the economy without development-oriented policies has reduced Syrian agricultural production by 25% and 20% of the rural workforce has migrated to cities.
Migration from villages to the outskirts of cities has led to an increase in poverty in urban areas, especially in southern Syria, which has doubled over the past three decades.
Economic activities in Syria are heavily affected by systemic corruption. The private sector is often associated with government officials, and small businesses depend on the informal sector to escape administrative restrictions. In 2009, Syria was ranked 124 out of 180 countries in terms of economic corruption.
In the 1960s, the economic reforms based on the socialism of the Baath Party led to the nationalization of many economic institutions and the change of the land ownership system. Large lands belonging to Sunni landowners and merchants were taken over by the Alawites, which caused a deep rift between Shiites and Sunnis and widespread discontent.
Modern authoritarianism instead of reforms and priorities caused political and civil dissatisfaction
Syria chose the republican system since 1963, but the executive power was given to the Assad family as the most powerful government institution. The Syrian president has extensive powers, including declaring war, enacting laws, changing the constitution, and appointing people to key military and government posts. He was elected with an overwhelming majority of votes in symbolic elections.
The People’s Council (former Parliament), with 250 members, mostly members of the Baath Party, has had a limited role in legislation. The main power has been in the hands of the president for many years and this council has mostly approved the orders of the executive branch.
After the death of Hafez Assad, Bashar Assad came to power with the slogan “modernization of Syria”, but instead of democratic reforms, he turned to the modernization of authoritarianism; It means focusing on liberal economic policies along with increasing personal authority and security. During Bashar’s era, instead of creating a society based on citizenship and diversity, a more closed political atmosphere and stronger authoritarianism was formed.
Assad’s government, from the time of Hafez to Bashar, benefited from bureaucratic authoritarianism to deal with domestic and foreign opponents. A type of authoritarianism that is associated with the influence of the military and instead of strengthening national unity, deepens class divisions, violates fundamental rights, and spreads corruption.
Crisis of political legitimacy in Syria
The crisis of political legitimacy in Syria is one of the main factors in the formation of internal unrest and crisis in this country. This crisis was caused by the deep gap between the government and the nation and the lack of mutual trust between the people and the rulers; Factors such as the monopoly of power, the reduction of political participation, and the absence of efficient nation-building and state-building have played a role in the formation of this crisis.
The people’s lack of trust in the government and the rulers’ lack of trust in the people caused political processes to take place without public participation. This gap decreased the legitimacy of the political system and spread social dissatisfaction.
Power in Syria is mainly held by the Alawites and the Baath party, and other groups, especially the Sunni majority, are excluded from political participation. This exclusivity fueled political tyranny and public discontent.
The decrease in political participation led to the consolidation of power in the hands of the ruling groups and prevented fundamental changes in the government structure. The monopoly of power led to political and social blockage.
The lack of elite rotation eliminated the opportunity to introduce new policies and programs. This made necessary reforms and transformations in the power structure impossible and increased dissatisfaction.
The lack of communication between the government and the people, and the lack of a strong social base for the Syrian political system, reduced its stability. The result of this crisis was chaos and instability, which created more internal and external challenges for the government.
After the 1963 coup, a system based on ideological legitimacy was established in Syria with the support of the intelligence and military apparatus. Instead of strengthening communication with the people, this system focused on maintaining central control and dealing with internal and external threats.
Despite the hopes for political and economic reforms when Bashar al-Assad came to power in 2000, his policies continued the authoritarian structure of his father. Bashar al-Assad could not reduce the gap between the government and the nation and instead concentrated political power more.
The Syrian government structure, based on military support and ideological legitimacy, could not meet the demands of the people. The incompatibility of government policies and programs with the needs of the people caused these policies to either fail or be implemented using military means. This gap between rulers and people aggravated political instability.
Syria and the crisis of social identity
Syria, with its ethnic and religious diversity, is facing a social identity crisis that arises from ethnic, religious and political conflicts. This diversity, which includes religious differences between Sunnis, Alawites, Shiites, Christians and other groups, has created deep social divisions.
These divisions are influenced by social and political grievances that are rooted in a long history and cause the formation of identity crises in the Syrian society.
Finally, these identity and social crises have created a situation of insecurity and instability in Syria that continues to this day.
In addition to the role of foreign actors in aggravating the crises in Syria, it should be said that these crises have long-term social, cultural and political roots, and identity and ethnic conflicts in Syria have prevented the formation of a common national identity, and these differences have had an impact on the political power structure.